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Fellow Canadians, I know we are stunned right now—whatever we collectively thought might happen following the inauguration of the 47th President of the United States of America (47)—it probably was not as extreme as this feels.
There is a lot on our minds as we tend to a fractured Canadian identity. For it to be whole, our leaders need to ensure First Nations are at the table, well-resourced and with jurisdiction. For decades Canadian leaders were engaged in an internal struggle to create a whole nation, and they tried to achieve this by extinguishing Aboriginal rights and title.
They failed. Now, we collectively face an external threat that presents a moment in Canadian history for us to finally show up with a truly unified national response.
This is a challenge because for generations the Canadian state has acted more like loosely affiliated self-interested regions. Another complicating factor is Canada’s unreconciled relationship with land and First Nations people. In the context of our colonial legacy and fragmented federal-provincial relationships, Canadian sovereignty is a swampy issue.
Globally, we have presented ourselves as friendly, apologetic, peacekeeping people. Yet, at home, rather than fully resolve the underlying issue of Aboriginal rights and title, since the early years of Confederation, Canada has maintained Indian Act policies that deliberately alienate First Nations people from their lands, and sustainable revenue from their natural resources.
While we find our footing in response to 47’s challenge to the Canadian economy through trade tariffs, and direct shots at Canadian sovereignty, we cannot forget about the need to undertake a reconciliation of that sovereignty by finally fully recognizing and implementing Aboriginal rights and title and creating lasting social, cultural, and economic security for First Nations.
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Should we undertake this important work, the nation that makes it out the other side of the current diplomatic crisis will have reconciled the very issue that has kept us from evolving past a lingering colonial hangover, finally able to unite, with a self-actualized Canadian national identity, that has everyone contributing to the same project.
Furthermore, not only is there a compelling moral argument for this reconciliation, there are also compelling social, economic, cultural, and political arguments for greater certainty around major projects, stable and inclusive economic growth, and better marine and terrestrial resource conservation and stewardship. Indeed, reconciliation is essential to Canadian resilience and sovereignty because it limits potential internal threats of social unrest that could be exploited by an external adversary.
Consequently, in response to 47, Canadian politicians are finally admitting our trade policies have been too north/south focused. There is a new eagerness to remove trade barriers between provinces. The Canadian economy has relied more heavily on international free-trade agreements like NAFTA and USMCA, resulting in a national fragmentation that is reflected in the barriers limiting inter-provincial trade.
Meanwhile, the BC NDP government responded in part by releasing a list of 18 major resource development projects they intend to ‘fast track’. The announcement was a surprise to many First Nations leaders, causing concern, fear, and frustration.
The list of fast-tracked projects includes critical mineral mines and energy projects that normally would have kicked up a lot of attention during assessment processes due to their impact on the environment and First Nations rights.
Energy minister Adrian Dix promises on one hand to respect the rights of First Nations people, and on the other hand he expresses the desperate need of our province and country to create separation between our economy and our southern neighbours.
Similarly, federal Liberal leadership hopeful Mark Carney took it a step further, stating at a campaign stop in British Columbia that Canada needs one economy not thirteen. He suggested he would invoke emergency powers to speed up major project approvals.
The “fast-track” approach can help Crown governments in the short-term. However, they could have medium and long-term consequences from conflict, such as a major pipeline project facing opposition on the ground and injunctions in court, something that Canadians have a lot of first-hand experience with. That should be enough to show that ignoring First Nations rights-holders creates unneeded vulnerabilities.
Prior to the disruption, Crown and First Nations leaders were moving into a new era of social, cultural, and economic reconciliation. Now the attention is drawn away from the local issues to threats against our national identity at a scale no one could have ever imagined.
Therefore, in our haste to defend Canadian sovereignty, we must recognize First Nations rights and title are an essential ingredient. Ignoring this reality only continues to make our country weak and susceptible to these threats to our economy and sovereignty.
For decades, the Canadian state has managed First Nations communities with a mix of federal and provincial policy that has led to the dramatic socio-economic gaps and appalling infrastructure deficits experienced by most First Nations.
Crown policy unnecessarily restricted First Nations from accessing the sustainable annual revenues that are needed to efficiently administer community governance, while at the same time limiting their ability to effectively close the gap and address the deficit.
For decades the Crowns have tied social and economic wellbeing of First Nations to natural resource developments. Now, BC has expedited resource development projects worth $20 billion and 8000 jobs, and once again they potentially leave First Nations people on the sidelines. First Nations have always been on the periphery, but ensuring in this moment that First Nations are central partners is both a moral imperative and strategically beneficial.
Canada is experiencing an identity crisis of existential proportions. In the modern era, we have not experienced a direct attack on the Canadian economy or sovereignty. If we are going to effectively defend ourselves as a united nation—and not self-interested provinces and First Nations—then we need to invest in strong inter-Provincial and intra-National relationships. This requires a commitment to building strong federal, provincial, First Nations, and local partnerships.
As Canadian politicians expedite major projects as a source of national and provincial unity, why not reconcile another major flaw at the same time—fully recognize and implement Aboriginal rights and title, and get to work with First Nations leaders with an abundance mindset. Imagine if First Nations had self-reliant, self-determining governance with jurisdiction, and comprehensive revenue streams that create prosperity instead of poverty.
Never let a crisis go to waste they say. This could be a major milestone in Canadian history, a moment where we cement a new Canadian identity that includes Indigenous people at the table.
This is more than just mitigating legal risks and liabilities; it is about finally releasing the moral burden that has long hung around the Canadian identity as we forge a new path for an ethical, equitable, and just society
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